Carl Schmitt and the Intensification of Politics by Shapiro Kam;

Author:Shapiro, Kam; [Shapiro, Kam]
Language: eng
Format: epub
Publisher: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers
Published: 2011-01-01T05:00:00+00:00

Notes

1. See Carl Schmitt, Roman Catholicism and Political Form, trans. G. L. Ulmen (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1996), 25–26, hereafter RCPF.

2. Schmitt, RCPF, 26.

3. Schmitt, RCPF, 27.

4. Schmitt, RCPF, 17–18. Indeed, Schmitt notes, the objective “owner” of capital was disappearing rapidly in the “joint-stock companies and other juridical persons.” Compare Carl Schmitt, The Crisis of Parliamentary Democracy, trans. Ellen Kennedy (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1988), 48, hereafter CPD, on the “sinister and crazy” suggestion that war be fought for economic security.

5. Schmitt, RCPF, 19.

6. Schmitt, RCPF, 20.

7. I examine Sorel’s argument along these lines in “The Myth of the Multitude,” The Empire’s New Clothes (New York: Routledge, 2003).

8. Schmitt, CPD, 61.

9. Schmitt, CPD, 59.

10. See Karl Marx, “Contribution to the Critique of Hegel’s Philosophy of Right: Introduction,” in The Marx-Engels Reader, ed. Robert C. Tucker (New York: Norton, 1978), 62 (italics in original).

11. Schmitt, CPD, 74.

12. Schmitt, CPD, 73–74. I depart slightly from Kennedy’s translation of this passage, which gives häufen as “intensifying” rather than accumulating. Cf. Schmitt, Die geistesgeschichtliche Lage des heutigen Parlamentarismus (München: Duncker & Humblot, 1926), 87.

13. V. I. Lenin, What Is to Be Done (New York: International Publishers, 1969), 76–77.

14. See Ellen Kennedy, Constitutional Failure, Carl Schmitt in Weimar (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2004), 112.

15. Schmitt, CPD, 75. Schmitt’s descriptive pronouncements on terrisme are often confused for prescriptions, which is not to say that he did not prefer nation to class.

16. Simona Draghici, a translator of Schmitt’s work, implies as much. A myth, she writes, “incorporates oppositions, structural as well as ideational, reconciling them, and so rendering tolerable experiences that otherwise are incoherent.” Draghici, “Introduction,” in Carl Schmitt, Land and Sea (Corvallis, OR: Plutarch Press, 1997), viii.

17. Carl Schmitt, Römischer Katholizismus und politische Form (Stuttgart: Klett-Cotta, 1984), 5, hereafter RK. My translation.

18. See Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities (New York: Verso, 1991). In subsequent chapters, I discuss Schmitt’s response to the dissolution of the territorial forms on which the nation-state arose when these forces are disaggregated and spread across the globe by way of international media, Diaspora, and global markets.

19. Cf. Gopal Balakrishnan, The Enemy (New York: Verso, 2000), 62.

20. Chris Thornhill reads Schmitt’s grounding of executive authority in the friend-enemy antithesis as a “mode of consciously secular politics.” Cf. Chris Thornhill, Political Theory in Modern Germany (Cambridge, UK: Polity Press, 1999), 77.

21. Cf. Schmitt, CP, 33. “The friend, enemy, and combat concepts receive their real meaning precisely because they refer to the real possibility of physical killing. War follows from enmity.”

22. Schmitt, CP, 38; Schmitt, Der Begriff des Politischen (Berlin: Duncker & Humblot, 2002), 39. See also Schmitt, CP, 26: The friend-enemy distinction denotes “the utmost intensity of a union or separation.”

23. Schmitt, CP, 62.

24. As Deleuze and Guattari argue, Fascism “resonated” with otherwise fragmented local affiliations and conflicts. Cf. Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari, A Thousand Plateaus (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1987), 214.

25. Deleuze and Guattari, A Thousand Plateaus, 27. My emphasis.

26. Deleuze and Guattari, A Thousand Plateaus, 29.

27. William Scheuerman relates Hans Morgenthau’s claim to have influenced Schmitt’s arguments on this point.

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